Azionalità e transitività: il caso dei preverbi latini

In the present paper we show that verbal prefixation modifies the actionality of Latin verbs: unprefixed atelic verbs (e.g., facio, molior, etc.) become telic when prefixed (e.g., conficio, emolior, etc.). We shall consider three types of opposition: 1) The type molior "I prepare" vs. emolior "I accomplish". The unprefixed form represents an activity verb; the prefixed form represents an accomplishment verb. Both verbs have two arguments. 2) The type dormio "I sleep" vs. obdormio "I fall asleep". The unprefixed form is an activity verb; the prefixed form is an achievement verb. Both verbs have one argument. 3) The type laboro "to strive for" vs. elaboro "to achieve (with effort)". The unprefixed form is an activity verb; the prefixed form may be either an accomplishment or an achievement verb, depending on the degree of durativity of the denoted event. The unprefixed verb has one argument; the prefixed verb has two arguments. In type 2, the sole argument of the unprefixed verb (i.e., the subject, in the nominative case) corresponds to a direct internal argument; in type 3, instead, the sole argument of the unprefixed verb (i.e., the subject, in the nominative case) corresponds to an external argument. The direct internal argument is the argument that measures out the event that the verb denotes and, therefore, has the thematic role of undergoer; the external argument is the argument that has the control of the event and, therefore, has the thematic role of actor. In this study, we show that the change of verb actionality (specifically, the acquisition of a higher degree of telicity) operates on the direct internal argument. Then, if a verb has a direct internal argument, this argument, which may figure as either a direct object (type 1) or a subject (type 2), shifts, on the continuum of thematic roles, to the prototypical undergoer's pole. When the sole argument of the verb is an external argument, the change of actionality requires an increase in valency: the verb, then, takes a direct internal argument (i.e., an object, in the accusative case). The unprefixed verbs in type 2 largely correspond to unaccusative verbs, in type 3, instead, to unergative verbs. The acquisition of telicity operates on the direct object in types 1 and 3, whereas on the subject in type 2. This fact can be advanced as a proof that the subject of unaccusative verbs is an object in the deep structure.