Глаголы купли-продажи сближаются с семантикой перформативов в особом прагматическом контексте (т.е. когда они употребляются в качестве главных предикатов в комиссивных речевых актах). В славянских языках морфосинтаксическая реализация этих квазиперформативов устроена по-разному. В русском языке, например, доминирующей формой является настоящее-будущее (НБ, типа куплю, продам), употребление настоящего несовершенного вида (ННСВ, типа покупаю, продаю) гораздо менее частотно. В сербохорватском языке, с другой стороны, можно употребить только презенс несовершенного вида (типа kupujem, prodajem). На основе примеров, взятых из национальных корпусов (Национальный корпус русского языка, Korpus savremenog srpskog jezika, Hrvatski nacionalni korpus), при объяснении сходств и различий между контекстами употребления глаголов купли-продажи в этих языках используются три аргумента. Что касается сходств, во-первых, с чисто семантической точки зрения большое значение имеет нелокализованность во времени русских НБ и ННСВ и сербохорватского ПрезНСВ. Во-вторых, на прагматическом уровне, совпадение говорящего (автора высказывания) с агенсом-субъектом (исполнителем действия) передает отчетливый оттенок намерения, которое в разных славянских языках может выражаться по-разному (c разными видовременными формами). Наконец, что касается различий на когнитивном уровне надо учесть эпистемическую оценку говорящего, определяемую как когнитивную осведомленность говорящего о внутренней структуре события. Хотя полная (когнитивная) узнаваемость события ассоциируется, как правило, с СВ (что объяснило бы бóльшую частотность НБ в русском языке), семантика события отображается в разных морфосинтаксических конфигурациях, в зависимости от грамматических ограничений, найденных в данном языке.
Sale-purchase verbs share some interesting properties with performative verbs when used as the main predicates of commissive speech acts (i.e. promises, refusals, and the like). Their morphosyntactic realization differs between Slavic languages. In Russian, for instance, the highly preferred choice is the perfective present-future (PresF: куплю, продам), although in the same context the imperfective present (Pres IPF : покупаю, продаю) can also be found. In Serbo-Croatian, on the other hand, only the imperfective present (Pres IPF : kupujem, prodajem) is available, for the perfective present (PresPF : kupim, prodam) is generally blocked in main clause contexts and the second closest functional equivalent to Russian PresF, the perfective future (FutPF: kupi(t)ću, proda(t)ću), does not hold atemporal readings. The difference in the morphosyntactic coding of sale-purchase verbs in Russian and Serbo-Croatian can be led back to (and explained through) the detection of similarities and differences in their contexts of usage. Three main claims are put forward. The semantic feature of atemporality plays a major role in determining the aspectual properties of the forms: it may explain the alternation of PresF and Pres IPF in Russian (both forms allow for atemporal readings) and the sole acceptability of PresIPF in Serbo-Croatian. Secondly, there is a common modal overtone of intentionality, which is associated with different morphosyntactic structures in every Slavic language. Lastly, the way the speaker believes they have (cognitive) access to the event (the so-called epistemic evaluation) affects the morphosyntax of sale-purchase verbs. Although full accessibility to the event tends to be associated with PF, the speaker’s epistemic evaluation is effective as long as it does not violate the grammatical structure of the single language (which would explain why Serbo-Croatian PresPF is still ungrammatical in the given context).
Zametki o vidovremennych svojstvach glagolov kupli-prodaži v russkom i serbochorvatskom jazykach
Marco Biasio
2020-01-01
Abstract
Sale-purchase verbs share some interesting properties with performative verbs when used as the main predicates of commissive speech acts (i.e. promises, refusals, and the like). Their morphosyntactic realization differs between Slavic languages. In Russian, for instance, the highly preferred choice is the perfective present-future (PresF: куплю, продам), although in the same context the imperfective present (Pres IPF : покупаю, продаю) can also be found. In Serbo-Croatian, on the other hand, only the imperfective present (Pres IPF : kupujem, prodajem) is available, for the perfective present (PresPF : kupim, prodam) is generally blocked in main clause contexts and the second closest functional equivalent to Russian PresF, the perfective future (FutPF: kupi(t)ću, proda(t)ću), does not hold atemporal readings. The difference in the morphosyntactic coding of sale-purchase verbs in Russian and Serbo-Croatian can be led back to (and explained through) the detection of similarities and differences in their contexts of usage. Three main claims are put forward. The semantic feature of atemporality plays a major role in determining the aspectual properties of the forms: it may explain the alternation of PresF and Pres IPF in Russian (both forms allow for atemporal readings) and the sole acceptability of PresIPF in Serbo-Croatian. Secondly, there is a common modal overtone of intentionality, which is associated with different morphosyntactic structures in every Slavic language. Lastly, the way the speaker believes they have (cognitive) access to the event (the so-called epistemic evaluation) affects the morphosyntax of sale-purchase verbs. Although full accessibility to the event tends to be associated with PF, the speaker’s epistemic evaluation is effective as long as it does not violate the grammatical structure of the single language (which would explain why Serbo-Croatian PresPF is still ungrammatical in the given context).File | Dimensione | Formato | |
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